Etzioni on AI: Who disagrees with you about AI? Here’s what the research shows

Attitudes towards AI differ by country, gender, profession, age, and political affiliation.  A few of those gaps are startling. This article is chock-full of stats. Read it for the surprises, or glance at the bar graph below for a quick overview.

Let’s start with geography, the widest split of all. Ask people in China whether they trust AI and, Edelman finds, nearly nine in 10 say yes; ask Americans and barely a third do. The same chasm shows up, in the Stanford AI Index, on the larger question of whether AI’s benefits outweigh its drawbacks, where most Chinese say it’s good stuff and most Americans have their doubts. 

Here’s a possible explanation. Where economies are young and growing fast, AI reads as a ladder up; where they are mature, it reads as a threat to jobs and more. Trust in AI seems to track two things, confidence in institutions and the expectation of personal gain, and both run higher in many Asian countries than in a wary West.

In the U.S., men are about twice as likely as women to expect AI to be good for society, Pew finds, and the gap is wider still among the researchers who build it. The tempting explanation, that women use the tools less, no longer holds: over the past two years women have drawn even with men in using chatbots, yet they trust them less. Women are also likelier to say AI is moving too fast. 

Adults under 50 reach for ChatGPT at twice the rate of their elders, Pew reports, yet it is the under-30s who are most convinced it will be bad for society. Here, familiarity breeds unease, and for a concrete reason: the young are not only the heaviest users but the most exposed. AI may be coming first for the entry-level jobs they are trying to land, and they sense it, with Gen Z likelier than any older group to expect it to cut into their job prospects, per the Harris Poll. 

Among the AI researchers surveyed, most expect the technology to help the country over the next two decades, Pew’s survey shows; among the public, fewer than one in five do. Some of that is knowledge, since the experts grasp what the systems can and cannot do and fear the lurid scenarios less.

Of course, the people who design AI have their careers and fortunes riding on its success, while the people who answer phones or drive trucks see mainly the threat to their own. The same pattern runs across industries, from technology workers who welcome AI on the job to transportation workers who oppose it. As per Miles’ Law, where you stand depends on where you sit.

The last divide is one that’s moved in recent years, and it’s moved fast. Two years ago Republicans were the AI skeptics; Democrats have since caught up and passed them. Today, just over half of Republicans now trust Washington to regulate AI; barely a third of Democrats do, Pew finds. 

AI companies are now more admired on the right than the left, a Harris Poll shows. Democrats are cooling on companies they once cheered, and Republicans are warming to a boom their side now champions. That said, in both parties more people worry that regulation will do too little than too much; what they split on is whom they trust to do the reining.

Despite some loud voices, there is no single verdict on AI.  Optimism comes from those with the most to gain, in the rising economies and inside the labs; doubts rise from those with the most to lose or the most to fear. Whatever AI turns out to be, it is being built by the people most enthusiastic about it, for a public that is not.